Category Archives: Health

Even small co-pays for contraception can be a big deal


On May 11 the Obama admin released updated guidance on insurance coverage of contraception. The announcement provides much-needed clarification for insurance plans regulated by the Affordable Care Act (ACA).

Before this announcement, the guidance for what insurers were supposed to do was vague.

The ACA requires insurers to provide women access to the full range of FDA-approved contraceptive methods at no cost. But insurers could use “reasonable medical management” to introduce cost-containment measures like providing generics at no-cost, while requiring co-pays for a branded equivalent.

Some insurers used reasonable medical management to restrict access to some forms of contraception – often the more expensive, but longer-lasting forms. And that lead to variation among insurance plans about which contraceptives required a co-pay and which did not.

The new guidance specifies that at least one birth control method from each of 18 different categories must be covered without cost-sharing in all eligible plans. Reasonable medical management and cost-containment strategies can still be used, as long as methods in each category are offered.

So why does it matter than some insurers were restricting access to some forms of contraception?

About half of pregnancies in the US are unintended – and that has much to do with access and use of contraception. Unintended pregnancies lead to an estimated US$5 billion in costs for the US health-care system per year, while birth control use provides cost-savings of $19 billion each year. Even small improvements in contraceptive use could result in a meaningful reduction in the number of unintended pregnancies.

Why are co-pays such an important issue?

Relative to other forms of health care, the low cost of so many contraceptive methods may make the individual out-of-pocket expense seem unimportant. But to many women, these costs are real. Cost is a big factor in choosing to use one form of contraception over another, using it consistently or even the likelihood of using contraception at all.

Notably, the most effective methods (such as long-acting reversible contraceptives, like intrauterine devices (IUDs) or hormone implants) have the highest up-front cost. And if women must share the cost, that discourages them from using these highly effective methods.

We studied the relationship between out-of-pocket costs and contraception use among almost 1.7 million women enrolled in the types of plans regulated by the ACA rules between January 1 and December 31, 2011. Women in plans with the highest level of cost-sharing were 35% less likely to have an IUD placed than women with the lowest level of cost-sharing – suggesting that even higher income women are sensitive to the price of contraceptives.

The Contraceptive Choice study, which offered almost 10,000 women free birth control, demonstrated that low-income and uninsured women will select the most effective (and most expensive) birth control methods at high rates when cost is not a factor.

This is why the new White House guidelines are so important. The broader menu of options available will increase women’s access to their preferred method, which may in turn improve contraception use patterns and decrease unintended pregnancy.

There’s more to contraception than the pill.
Contraceptive pills via www.shutterstock.com.

One contraceptive is not like another

All contraceptives aim to prevent pregnancy, but there are a variety of ways they can do so. They aren’t interchangeable and the method that may work best for one woman may not be suitable for another.

Under previous guidance, many insurers interpreted the law to mean they must cover at least one – but not all – option from each of five categories: hormonal contraception (like birth control pills, vaginal rings or patches), barrier methods (diaphragm), emergency contraception, implanted devices (like IUDs or hormone implants) and sterilization.

But this approach to grouping methods doesn’t reflect the clinical uses for each type of contraception. For instance, the contraceptive ring was considered a “hormonal” method, and since there is a generic pill containing the same hormones as the ring, insurers have often not covered it because they consider them equivalent. But the ring lasts for three weeks before needing to be replaced, while the pill needs to be taken every day. And this distinction is important for women who know that they will sometimes forget to take a pill every day.

Even methods that are similar – such as the copper IUD and the hormone-containing IUD – are not, in medical parlance, therapeutic equivalents. This means that they have different medical uses, health benefits or side effects. These products aren’t interchangeable – the best one for an individual woman will depend on her menstrual patterns, tolerance of side effects and prior birth control experience. Clinicians, therefore, use them in different situations

When physicians help women choose the “best” choice, we look at her medical history, lifestyle and a product’s unique characteristics. In contraception, it’s important to never underestimate the importance of side effects or ease of use, since they can drive how consistently a woman uses a particular method. If our goal is consistent, effective use, we must remove barriers to an individual’s choice of birth control method.

Not the same.
Pills and IUD via www.shutterstock.com.

How much of a difference will the new guidelines make?

In the months before the White House released the new guidelines, three different reports captured the coverage variations between insurance plans.

A report from the Guttmacher Institute, a non-profit organization focused on reproductive health, in September 2014 found that women continued to report out-of-pocket costs, especially for the most effective methods, like the IUD.

In April, a report from the Kaiser Family Foundation looked at coverage for 12 contraceptive methods among 20 different insurance carriers in five states. The organization found significant variation in interpretation and coverage among the plans. They also found that methods such as the vaginal ring and patch (which don’t need to be taken daily) and the most-effective methods like the implant and IUD, were less likely to be covered without cost-sharing.

Further gaps were identified by the National Women’s Law Center in an analysis of more than 100 insurance plans in 15 states. They concluded that 33 plans in 13 states did not comply with the ACA. These plans were not covering all FDA-approved methods. They imposed cost-sharing, only covering generic methods or were not covering associated services, such as counseling or administration visits.

If our nation wishes to reduce the high number of unintended pregnancies – and the costs and abortions that result from them – improving women’s access to the contraceptive methods they prefer, and that they will use consistently, is key. The updated guidelines from the White House mean that American women face fewer barriers to use the contraceptive method of their choice.

The Conversation

Vanessa K Dalton is Associate Professor at University of Michigan.
Lauren MacAfee is Fellow, Family Planning at University of Michigan.

This article was originally published on The Conversation.
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The pill – it’s safer than driving to work


A study published in The BMJ today suggests a link between newer contraceptive pills and higher risk of serious blood clots. The finding is not new, but it may be cause for a different kind of concern.

During their fertile years, between three and five women of every 10,000 who are not pregnant and not taking the pill are likely to develop blood clots every year. The research published today found older contraceptive pills double this “background” risk of blood clots, and the newer pills have roughly doubled the risk again.

Several studies published over the past 20 years show very similar findings. What this research brings to the table are larger numbers of women and more careful attention to factors in their medical history that could potentially skew the results.

It’s likely the media will pounce on this story; there will be testimonies from women who have experienced blood clots while taking the pill and a plethora of personal injury lawyers spruiking their business. Women across the world will be scared into stopping their contraception until it all blows over. I know this because I’ve seen it before, and I think that’s what we should be concerned about.

Back and forth

We’ve known the pill increases a woman’s risk of blood clots and stroke since it was first marketed. By the 1990s, concern had been tempered by the fact that this risk was greatly reduced by pills containing only a quarter of the oestrogen compared to the 1960s. The development of several newer progestogens in the 1980s had also increased the range of pills available, making it more likely that most women could find a combination that suited them.

But then, in 1995, three studies published in The Lancet suggested pills containing these newer progestogens posed twice the risk of blood clots as the older ones, just as the study published today does. Frenzied media coverage of the finding led many women to simply discontinue their contraception.

As a result, 1995-96 saw a 9% increase in abortion rates in Britain as well as a 25% increase in births. And both pregnancy and birth hold significantly higher risks of blood clots than any contraceptive pill, with rates at least ten times higher.

Within a few years, the controversy settled down somewhat when a number of epidemiologists pointed out that doubling an extremely small risk has no significant public health impact. But then, between 2007 and 2014, it all started again when a number of studies reached conflicting conclusions about whether there were any real differences in clotting rates between various pills.

Every woman considering using the contraceptive pill should discuss the risks it poses to her health as well as available alternatives with her prescribing doctor.
Annabelle Shemer/Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND

Two very large studies that kept track of women from the time they started various pills showed no difference in blood-clotting risk between any of the pills the women were taking. But research like this is extremely expensive and only within the funding reach of either governments or pharmaceutical companies. In this case, it was the latter. Despite the fact that both studies were independently monitored, they were attacked as having commercial bias.

Four out of six of the remaining studies, which used various databases to look back from a blood clot diagnosis and capture the kind of pill the woman was taking, suggested the newer pills doubled risk. But the inevitable lack of “real-time” information in this kind of research also leaves it open to many potential biases.

The just-published BMJ study provides further evidence for research showing increased risk, and its publication will no doubt re-ignite the debate about the safety of newer contraceptive pills. It’s clearly time for an appraisal of the actual risks involved.

Being cautious

Even if we were to adopt the worst-case scenario from all the studies published to date, being on one of the older versions of the contraceptive pill increases the risk of blood clot from three and five per 10,000 women each year to somewhere between five and eight. Taking one of the newer ones raises it to between nine and 14.

So although a doubling of clotting risk sounds alarming, it actually translates to an additional four to six cases per 10,000 users of the newer pills a year.

It’s also important to recognise that only one in 100 women who have a blood clot will die from it. That risk of death could be cancelled out statistically by driving for two fewer hours each year. Put another way, the risk of a woman dying from a road accident is approximately 25 times that of death from a pill-related clot.

This is not to say we should be blasé about the risks posed by the contraceptive pill. It is above all a medication, which means some of its benefits may be compromised by – potentially serious – side effects. Every woman considering using the contraceptive pill should discuss the risks it poses to her health as well as available alternatives with her prescribing doctor.

This study adds to what is known about blood clot risk on various oral contraceptive pills, but it doesn’t claim to provide the definitive answer. I hope that, as we again debate the risks posed by the pill, we don’t lose sight of the fact that, for most women, the benefits of combined contraceptives far outweigh risks.

The Conversation

Terri Foran is Lecturer in the School of Women’s and Children’s Health at UNSW Australia.

This article was originally published on The Conversation.
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Psychiatrists Unveil Plain-English Guide For Patients


As mental health professionals, policy makers and advocates focus on taking steps to mend the fragmented mental health care system, the role of patients and their friends and families is sometimes overlooked.

That’s why the American Psychiatric Association is releasing a first-of-its-kind book to decode in plain English the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders – a guide for mental health providers that is also used to determine insurance coverage. The resource, Understanding Mental Disorders: Your Guide To DSM-5, includes in-depth explanations of risk factors, symptoms and symptom management, treatment options and success stories.

This gets at one of APA’s reasons for releasing this volume — to help create a more accurate picture of what a particular illness or disorder might involve.

Jeff Bornstein, a psychiatrist and spokesman for APA, said empowering patients with a better understanding of what they are facing will enable them to better advocate for themselves.

APA understanding mental
A new resource, Understanding Mental Disorders: Your Guide To DSM-5, from the American Psychiatric Association attempts to help patient better understand their symptoms and diagnoses.

“Sometimes when there is a disagreement with a managed care company, the clinician speaks on behalf of the patient,” Bornstein said. ”But it’s[also] helpful to have family [members] or the patient talk and say ‘I’m telling you, I have this symptom, it’s part of diagnosis X, Y and Z. Why are you not letting me have the treatment I need?’”

Former Rhode Island Congressman Patrick Kennedy, a mental health advocate, said the book is designed to help families and patients overcome stigma and get more involved in treatment. He said it would have helped him in his own experience with bipolar disorder and alcoholism. “I was the last one to know I had a problem, and that’s often the case for those of us in crisis. … The people around me would have benefited from this,” he said at an event marking the book’s launch.

When people think they may have an issue, or are faced with a diagnosis, they often go to the Internet where misinformation and “horror stories” are widespread, said Paul Gionfriddo, president of mental health advocacy group Mental Health America. “This [book] lays out in clear terms [what a mental disorder diagnosis means] so we don’t have to live in fear of the unknown.”

Take the experience of Melanie Carlson, 33, who suffered a psychotic episode in 2007 when she was 25. She ended up in a hospital, frightened and confused.

“It was a very traumatic incident. I was afraid of my own thoughts and what I was capable of,” said Carlson, who lives outside Ann Arbor, Mich., and manages her bipolar disorder with medication, exercise, therapy and abstaining from alcohol. But for almost a year-and-a-half she was in denial and refused treatment, mainly because she says her only knowledge of her condition came from media reports about high-profile, often violent events involving mental illness.

She says having more straight-forward information could have helped her understand that she could take care of her disorder and still live a normal life – with a job, friends and family.

“It felt like a hopeless situation,” Carlson said, who is now a social worker helping chronically homeless people get housing. “If I’d had a resource that explained my symptoms … and explained how complying with treatment could produce long-term stability I would not have been … resistant.”

It’s all part of the steady process of removing the taboo from treatment, said Jorge Petit, a psychiatrist and founder of Quality Healthcare Solutions Group, a health care and behavioral health consulting firm in New York City. “It’s no different than diabetes and hypertension — it requires awareness and understanding of how to maintain wellness and not to relapse,” he said.

However, he added that the playing field is still not even. “It’s hard for people to call the insurance company and say, ‘Why are you sending me a prior authorization notice? It’s the same as having a medical issue.’”

We trust children to know what gender they are – until they go against the norm


I will start by asking two questions: at what age did you know your gender, and do you think someone else had to tell you what it was? I’m director of mental health at a leading gender clinic in the US. Our clinic is a half-decade old – and in that short period the number of families coming to us with questions about their child’s gender has grown astronomically every month.

We’re not alone. The BBC recently reported that the number of children aged ten and under who were referred to the NHS in the UK to help deal with transgender feelings had more than quadrupled in six years.

The main issue that brings children to our clinic is a child in the family who says: “Hey, you’ve got it wrong, I’m not the gender you think I am” or “I do not want to conform to the rules I see around me about how boys are supposed to be boys and girls are supposed to be girls.”

Some of these children are very upset about their gender conundrums; others skip happily outside the gender boxes that were outlined and filled in for them by the culture around them. Yet they all share something in common – feelings about their gender – and depending on how these feelings are negotiated by the adults who care for them, they will either rejoice is their “gender creativity” or suffer from the ill-fit between the gender everyone expects them to be and the gender they know themselves to be.

These feelings can surface as early as the second year of life, when a girl toddler frantically pulls the fancy barrettes out of her hair or a boy toddler wraps his blanket around his head to create long, flowing hair. Or, they can show up much later. Children, like any human, are all different.

All of these children will have had a sex assigned to them at birth. Most children feel quite in sync with that assignment, but a very small number do not. They are the children who often say, in both word and actions: “I’m a boy, not a girl” or: “I’m a girl, not a boy” or come up with some gender category that is neither boy nor girl but something quite in-between.

Other children, fine with the sex assigned to them on their birth certificate but not with the expectations about how they are supposed to perform that gender, might happily engage in the activities that feel best to them, wear the clothes that look nicest to them and play with the children who feel most compatible to them – until they are limited or policed by the socialisation agents in their environment, for example, when a father tells his son that he can’t wear his nail polish in public or a therapist advises parents to take away all their little girl’s “boy” toys. From this point, their feelings may change from jouissance (a sense of unbridled joy or pleasure) to stress or distress if the message mirrored back from the people around them, with strong feeling, is that the way they are “doing” their gender is inappropriate and unacceptable.

Parents may take away ‘girl’ toys from boys to try and make them conform.
Doll by Shutterstock

An obvious contradiction

In the field of mental health today, and in the general public, a debate is running as to whether young children could possibly know their gender at a young age and whether they might change their mind over time, just as they do about so many other aspects of life. Ironically, if one delves into the Western literature on gender development in young children, such as the work of Robert Stoller or Eleanor Maccoby, or Sigmund Freud before them, we uncover a contradiction.

In traditional theories, it is assumed that children clearly know their own gender by the age of six, based on the sex assigned to them at birth, the early knowledge of that assignment, the gender socialisation that helps a child know how their gender should be performed and the evolving cognitive understanding of the stability of their gender identity. Yet if a child deviates from the sex assigned to them at birth or rejects the rules of gender embedded in the socialisation process, they are assumed to be too young to know their gender, suffering from either gender confusion or a gender disorder.

Following this logic, if you are “cisgender” (your sense of your gender matches the sex assigned on your birth certificate), you can know your gender, but if you are transgender or gender-nonconforming, you cannot possibly know.

Yet a macro survey of transgender adults conducted in the US indicated that a large proportion of respondents knew at an early age what their true gender was – they just kept it under wraps because of social stigma in their childhood years. So we could say that gender-creative children can possibly know their gender – and do, at a very young age.

Messages from brains and minds

Recent clinical observations and research studies, such as a 2013 report from the VU University in Amsterdam, reveal a certain group of young children who are what we refer to in the vernacular as insistent, persistent and consistent in their affirmation of their cross-gender identities. This is not based on the genitalia they perceive between their legs or the gender label given to them by others, but by messages from their own brains and minds.

Research is underway to discover the biopsychosocial pathways to such identities, but it is becoming increasingly clear that chromosomes and external genitalia are not the driving forces for this subgroup of children – our youngest cohort of transgender people.

Those of us who operate within the gender-affirmative model – abiding by the definition of gender health as the child’s opportunity to live in the gender that feels most authentic to them – have developed assessment processes based on the dictum that: “if you listen to the children, you will discover their gender. It is not for us to tell, but for them to say.”

This makes adults nervous, as we were always taught that gender was a bedrock, determined not by the child but by the assessment of the medical professionals delivering the baby: penis for a boy, vagina for a girl. It’s both earthshaking and extremely anxiety provoking to have that trope challenged by young voices who might say to us that we got it wrong. And if the child is wrong and we go along with them, we could make a mess of things by having them bounce back and forth between genders or take the wrong path.

Established thinking.
Pink and blue by Shutterstock

Over the course of time, if we do not impose our own reactions and feelings on the children, like the ones above, and allow a space for their gender narrative to unfold, the gender they know themselves to be will come into clearer focus. From there we can give them the opportunity to transition to the gender that feels most authentic, followed later by the choice to use puberty blockers to put natal puberty on hold and later cross-sex hormones to bring their bodies into better sync with their psyche.

If we do not give them this opportunity, they may feel thwarted, frustrated, despondent, angry, deflated – feelings reflected in the symptoms correlated with being a gender-nonconforming or gender-dysphoric child. The root of these symptoms is not the child’s gender, but rather the environment’s negative reactions to the child’s gender.

When acceptance and allowance of the child to live in their authentic gender replace negation or suppression of a child’s nonconforming gender, the symptoms have been known to subside or disappear completely, much to the surprise of those caring for the child. We might even consider gender as the cure, rather than the problem, privileging the child’s ability to not only feel, but know their gender.

The Conversation

Diane Ehrensaft is Director of Mental Health at the Child and Adolescent Gender Center at University of California, San Francisco.

This article was originally published on The Conversation.
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The eye-opening parasite that can get in through your contact lens


A recent eye infection suffered by 18-year-old Nottingham University student Jess Greaney is the kind of story that fills us with horror. Greaney had keratitis, an inflammation of the cornea, caused by Acanthamoeba castellanii, a parasite that was living and feasting on her eye.

A. castellanii is a ubiquitous organism, found in many eco-systems worldwide. It is able to survive in harsh environmental circumstances – even in some contact lens solutions – and this is not the first occurrence of A. castellanii appearing in the eye. Acanthamoeba keratitis (AK) is a neglected malady frequently associated with contact lens wear and it is thought Greaney caught the bug after splashing tap water on her contact lenses.

Not a great friend to have

Acanthamoeba infection of the cornea causes severe inflammation, intense pain and impaired vision, which is blinding if left untreated. Infection begins when the parasite is at its active feeding trophozoite stage and sticks to the corneal tissue before penetrating the lower stromal layer. The resulting opacity leads to less sharp vision and eventually blindness.

Even more worrying is that besides the painful progressive sight-threatening corneal disease, the parasite can cross the blood brain barrier and cause granulomatous amoebic encephalitis, a progressive disease of the central nervous system) that often results in death.

Greaney was lucky – if you can put it that way – because she was able to receive treatment. After a week her eye was red, painful and bulged, “it looked like a huge red golf ball,” she said. Treatments included clamping her eye open, keeping her awake, scraping off layers of tissue and repeated eye drops.

How does it get in?

Hope you washed your hands.
n4i, CC BY

Lenses can be contaminated by exposure to water during swimming, using a hot tub, washing with tap water or as a result of poor personal hygiene or inappropriate disinfection regimes, which can promote the growth of bacteria on lenses onto which amoebae in turn adhere and proliferate. In the case of Greaney it was suggested that the parasite was trapped between the eye and the lens before it burrowed.

As contact lenses continue to gain popularity (including for recreational purposes) the proportion of the population at increased risk of developing Acanthamoeba keratitis may rise.

Other Acanthamoeba infections

Acanthamoeba infections (not just in the eye) are being detected by clinicians with increasing frequency, especially as opportunistic infections in patients whose immune system is already compromised. This at-risk population is expanding as a result of increasing use of immune-suppressing therapies for cancer treatment and the global HIV/AIDS pandemic.

No vaccine is available, and the current drugs used to treat these inflammatory infections is largely insufficient, has undesirable side effects and doesn’t work well in the later chronic stage of infection. Treatment also requires the application of a mixture of drugs for prolonged periods, with mixed results. New drugs, either for this or for other neglected parasitic illnesses that afflict millions of people worldwide, are not being developed. The development of cheaper and more efficient, preferably A. castellanii-specific, chemotherapies would be highly advantageous.

Practice good hygiene

When it comes to contact lens wearers, there have been previous efforts looking at whether contact lens care solutions can counter against Acanthamoeba. Contact lenses treated with an antimicrobial peptide have also been developed and tested in human and rabbits, but more clinical trials are still needed before they can be worn by humans.

However, there are some cardinal rules for contact lens wearers: always wash your hands and follow all instructions in handling and storing contact lenses properly. Reusable lenses should be cleaned and disinfected with powerful lens disinfecting solutions every day. Contact lens wearers should also apply make-up only after lenses are put in to avoid contact with eyeliner or mascara and lens. These are some of the “golden rules” that contact lens wearers should stick to.

Millions of people use contact lenses to improve their vision and to enhance the ability to focus or to do activities unencumbered by glasses. And overall, the risk of Acanthamoeba keratitis – and other infections – is low with proper hygiene and care. In the very near future we might even see smart lenses that can monitor the body’s health conditions and measure glucose levels in the tear fluid of the eyes of diabetes patients. So don’t let the horror story lead you to ditch them just yet.

The Conversation

Hany Elsheikha is Associate Professor of Parasitology at University of Nottingham.

This article was originally published on The Conversation.
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Ultrasound-activated bubbles could help make cancer drugs more effective and less nasty


Despite extraordinary advances in new drugs and biotechnology, cancer is still one of the leading causes of death worldwide.

In many cases, the problem lies not with the drugs but rather the difficulty in successfully delivering them to the site of a tumour. In healthy tissue there is a regular structure of blood vessels supplying oxygen and nutrients to cells, which divide and grow at a steady rate. In cancerous tumours, however, cells divide and grow in an unregulated way, producing a chaotic vessel structure and regions of tissue with little or no blood supply.

This means when drugs are ingested or injected into the blood stream, they don’t reach all parts of the tumour and there is a high risk of cancer recurring after treatment. On top of this, the pressure inside many tumours prevents a drug from being absorbed from the blood, meaning only a very small fraction of it is actually delivered. The rest of the drug circulates around the body and is eventually absorbed by healthy tissue, often leading to intolerable side effects.

One of the major goals of the research being carried out in the Oxford Institute of Biomedical Engineering (IBME) is to develop new methods for delivering anti-cancer drugs that overcome these barriers. While engineers are perhaps more commonly thought of in the context of large construction projects, we are using precisely the same combination of applied science and problem solving.

Building nanoparticles

There is a formidable series of challenges to address to solve this problem. First, we need to encapsulate the drug to prevent it from interacting with healthy tissue and/or deactivating before reaching the tumour. Second, we need a way to deliver the drug to the tumour to maximise the concentration it receives.

Third, we need a mechanism for releasing the drug on demand once it has built up within the tumour. Fourth, we need to ensure the released drug is evenly spread throughout the tumour. And finally, we need to be able to monitor the treatment from outside the body.

Taking the fight to cancer
Shutterstock

Our team at the IBME has developed a range of new techniques for creating tiny particles into which we can insert drugs with a high degree of precision. And we have tried a variety of methods to make the particles release the drug. These include using materials that are sensitive to the pH change within a tumour and materials that break down upon heating or undergo a phase change (from a solid to a liquid or liquid to a gas).

But one of the most versatile means of triggering drug release is by firing a beam of ultrasonic vibrations at the particles. Widely used as an imaging method, ultrasound can be used from outside the body and, unlike light or heat, can be tightly focused to produce highly localised effects.

In order to produce particles that respond to ultrasound, we have to include in them a gas or a liquid that easily vaporises. When exposed to the ultrasound, the gas/liquid will undergo a rapid expansion and force the drug out of the particle.

Ultrasound activated bubbles

This process generates a pulsating gas or vapour bubble that has several other significant benefits for drug delivery. The motion of the bubble produced by the ultrasound field helps to drive the drug out of the blood vessels and deep into the surrounding tumour. We have shown that bubbles can push drugs up to four times deeper into tissue than they would normally diffuse, sufficient to achieve a uniform spread throughout a tumour.

There is also a growing body of research that shows microbubbles and ultrasound make cancer cells more permeable to drugs, speeding up the rate at which they work and ultimately cell death. The microbubbles’ motion produces a secondary ultrasound signal that can be detected outside the body. This means the location and activity of the particles can be continuously monitored, providing real-time feedback on the progress of the treatment.

Our aim over the next five years is to translate these developments into clinical use. The work will focus on improving the delivery of four classes of drug that have shown enormous potential but that currently struggle to get inside a tumour and/or have unacceptable side effects. By combining our expertise in encapsulation with the use of ultrasound and shockwaves, we hope to create more effective drugs that can be delivered straight to the location of a tumour and monitored with advanced imaging techniques.

This article is adapted from the 2015 IET A. F. Harvey Prize Lecture

The Conversation

Eleanor Stride is Professor of Engineering Science at University of Oxford.

This article was originally published on The Conversation.
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NYC Respite Centers Help Keep Mentally Ill Out Of Hospitals


NEW YORK – It is a busy Friday afternoon. Staff members check in guests at the front desk. Other employees lead visitors on tours of the upstairs bedrooms, or field calls from people considering future stays. Aromas of garlic and roasted chicken seep out of the kitchen.

Community Access is not a bed and breakfast, although it feels that way when you walk through its unmarked door off Second Avenue on Manhattan’s Lower East Side. Also known as Parachute NYC, this quiet seven-bedroom facility is one of four publicly funded mental health centers in New York City (located in Manhattan, Brooklyn, Queens and the Bronx) that provide an alternative to hospital stays for people on the verge of a mental health crisis.

Parachute’s respite centers have no medical staff, no medications, no locks or curfews and no mandatory activities. They are secure, welcoming places where people willingly go to escape pressure in their lives and talk to trained “peer professionals” who can relate to what guests are going through because they are recovering from mental illness themselves.

Without places like this, New Yorkers who suffer from serious mental illness would have little choice but to check into a hospital or a hospital-like crisis center when their lives spin out of control. Some people need to be hospitalized for severe psychosis and depression, but many others end up in the hospital because they have no other options.

Relatively rare in the U.S., respite centers like this one cost a fraction of the price of a hospital stay, and can be far more effective at helping people avoid a psychotic break, severe mood swing or suicidal episode.

Community-based mental health services are particularly vital at a time when the number of beds in state psychiatric hospitals has declined sharply. Nationwide, psychiatric hospitals shed 3,222 beds from 2009 to 2012 amid recession-related budget cuts, and the number has continued to decline even as the economy has improved. According to the U.S. Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 55 percent of U.S. counties have no practicing behavioral health workers and 77 percent have reported an unmet need.

Launched in 2013 by the city’s public health department, Parachute NYC includes mobile treatment units and phone counseling in addition to the four brick-and-mortar respite centers. A collaboration of city and state mental health agencies, the project received a three-year $17.6 million innovation grant from the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Its financial goal is to save $50 million in hospital expenses.

In addition, New York state’s Medicaid agency plans to use a federal waiver to pay for respite services and other community mental health services for 140,000 state residents under a managed care program for people with behavioral health needs. Separately, New York state’s mental health office has invested $60 million since last year on the creation and expansion of community-based services throughout the state, including child and adult respite programs.

“A hospital is the last place you want to be if your life is unraveling,” said Community Access CEO Steve Coe. “They put you in a room, check your blood pressure and walk away and leave you for hours. You need to put your life back together, not be held in a place where you can’t do anything or talk to anyone,” he said.

Nevertheless, there is broad agreement that nonmedical services such as Community Access are not for everyone.

“The caution is that while this approach is good for some people, others really need medication and structure, so it has to be a good match for the person who is coming into it,” said Sita Diehl, director of state policy at the National Alliance on Mental Illness. “The advantage is that you get an expert listener working with you, really delving into who you are, rather than someone slapping a diagnosis on you and handing you a prescription.”

Averting Crisis

Parachute NYC provides a non-threatening environment where people who are coming undone can take a break from their turbulent lives and think through their problems before they reach a crisis point. Many who shun hospitals and crisis stabilization units will voluntarily seek help at respite centers.

In fact, Community Access insists that all prospective guests check in on their own, without coercion from a doctor, friend or family member. They also screen applicants to ensure that respite is their best option.  Some may need medication and more intensive treatment from medical professionals.

“We’re not against medication,” assistant director Keith Aguiar explained. “If they come in with their own medications and they want to take them, that’s fine. But we do not tell them they have to.”

Many guests have full-time jobs and continue working and seeing friends during their stay. They can come and go any time of day or night. Unlike a hospital, Coe stressed, respite centers allow people to maintain their lives and relationships instead of putting everything on hold. Guests can also continue seeing their regular mental health providers during their stay.

The maximum length of stay at Parachute NYC respite centers is 10 days, soon to be shortened to one week under new Medicaid rules.  But guests can return up to three times per year as needed. They also can visit weekly and monthly as “alumni” and take part in group activities and talk to staff.

To qualify for any of Parachute’s respite centers, guests must be New York City residents who are 18 or older.  They must also have a clinical evaluation (within the last 48 hours) and a referral from a mental health provider stating they are not an imminent risk to themselves or others and would benefit from respite care.  Guests also must have stable housing to go back to.

The Guest List

“We have a wide diversity of guests, from a Columbia University professor and an art critic to people who have been chronically homeless much of their lives,” Aguiar said. “We see men and women of all ages and all walks of life.”

In the last month, the guest list at Community Access included a 28-year-old woman who was living in mental health support housing and believed her roommates were practicing witchcraft on her. She was referred by her housing counselor. Another 24-year-old woman with a diagnosis of schizoaffective disorder needed to escape mounting conflicts at home with her brother, who had a diagnosis of schizophrenia. She was referred by a community psychiatric team.

A 70-year-old jazz musician who suffered from drug and alcohol addiction came to get away from his chaotic living situation.  He talked to peers about his struggle with addiction, played his trumpet and napped a lot during his stay. “It was the best sleep I’ve had in years,” he told the center’s director Lauren D’Isselt, who is a psychologist.

Another woman, 25, applied to become a guest without a referral (the center arranged for Parachute’s mobile unit of clinical professionals to provide an assessment.) She’d heard about Community Access from a friend. A native New Yorker who left college because of severe depression, Maggie (not her real name) spoke calmly about her history of mental illness while sitting on a bench on the center’s sunny back courtyard.

“I wanted to finish college,” she said, “but I kept ending up on the tops of buildings.” Diagnosed with depression when she was seven, Maggie has been in psychiatric care most of her life.  She spent the better part of the last six months in hospitals.

Now that she’s back in New York temporarily living with her parents, she said she wants to find the right kind of treatment and get on her feet so she can return to school.  “Living at home is not very comfortable because my parents are the source of my problem. They abused me when I was a child,” Maggie said.  She said she could stay with friends, but they don’t understand what she’s going through.

Five days into her stay, Maggie said it’s been good for her. She’s been able to make plans for future treatment. “It makes a lot of sense,” she said.  “At a typical hospital, they take depressed people and lock them up and away from everyone and expect them to get better. Here you can go out and have coffee with a friend and no one has to go through double-locked doors to see you.”

“When I feel really anxious or sad, I can talk to a peer. Places like this are rare,” Maggie said. “But they shouldn’t be.”

A National Need

One in four adults, about 62 million Americans, experiences some form of mental illness during the course of a year. Of those, about 14 million live with a serious mental illness such as schizophrenia, major depression or bipolar disorder, according to data from the National Alliance on Mental Illness. More than half of them do not seek treatment, in many cases because they don’t know where to find help.

For those who do seek treatment, the direct medical costs total more than $100 billion per year, according to estimates from the National Institute of Mental Health. Community mental health services such as respite centers may make it possible to reduce those costs and relieve the demand for psychiatric hospital beds, which are in short supply in most communities.

Parachute NYC has so far served about 700 people at its respite centers, 600 through its mobile treatment teams and more than 20,000 through its peer-operated telephone support service. The city’s health department intends to analyze the program to determine whether it has resulted in a reduction in the city’s 100,000 annual psychiatric emergency room visits.

“We don’t perform miracles here,” D’Isselt said. “But we do help people find joy in their lives.” Most guests forge new friendships and leave with a new life plan, she said. “A lot can happen in a week.”

Does publication bias make antidepressants seem more effective at treating anxiety than they really are?


In scientific literature, studies with “good” results are more likely to be published than studies with results that are unclear or negative. A study with a new, exciting finding (a positive result) is likely to see the light of day, even if the finding is not in line with the authors hypothesis. But a study that doesn’t have a new finding (a negative result), or has an unclear finding is far less likely to be published.

The fact that positive results are more likely to be published is called publication bias and unfortunately it’s quite common. Since science is about acquiring knowledge, when scientific literature is distorted as a result of publication bias this “knowledge” becomes less trustworthy.

In medicine this can have serious consequences. Patients may be prescribed therapies that are based on biased results, and physicians and policymakers might not know that the information they are basing these decisions on has flaws.

For example, we know that the scientific literature has overestimated the efficacy of antidepressants to treat depression. These drugs are also used to treat anxiety disorders. We wanted to find out if the the efficacy of antidepressants for these conditions had also been overestimated because of publication bias.

What causes publication bias?

Before we look at our study on antidepressants and anxiety, let’s take a look at why positive results are more likely to be published than results that are negative or unclear.

Researchers may suffer from “cognitive bias,” which means they are more likely to interpret findings to be consistent with their own hypotheses. In short, people may find what they expect (or want) to find.

Or what if you find something, but it just doesn’t seem that significant? Cognitive bias may lead researchers to look at other, sometimes less significant, outcomes from their research when they don’t find what they were expecting to. Or they may analyze their data with a new statistical technique or combine different outcomes into a new endpoint that lets them arrive at a result that is consistent with their hypothesis.

Researchers may decide not to publish negative results. This happens for a lot of reasons, but money tends to be a big one. Finding “nothing” is simply less likely to lead to funding for follow-up research, than finding “something.” That isn’t the only financial reason for why negative results might not be published. Prescription and non-prescription therapies are big money around the world and negative results do not help to sell drugs.

And sometimes it’s out of the researchers’ hands. Trials with negative results are less likely to be accepted for publication at major journals. A journal sends submitted manuscripts out for peer review. Experts in the field review the work and provide feedback as to whether it should be accepted for publication or not.

Peer review allows outside reviewers to express their own opinions and ideas regarding the research. Ultimately, the decision to accept or reject the manuscript may depend on these revisions.

In this setting, positive results tend to be reviewed more favorably since they often correspond better to the peer reviewer’s opinions. Positive findings also attract more widespread attention than negative results, which can increase the visibility and reputation of the journal.

In research, finding nothing is as valuable as finding something.
Research definition via www.shutterstock.com.

Publication bias and antidepressants for anxiety

Other studies have found cases of publication bias in trials investigating how effective antidepressants are in the treatment of depressive disorder, and on the use of antipsychotics, as well.

We wanted to find out whether publication bias was also present in trials on the efficacy of second-generation antidepressants to treat anxiety disorders. These drugs, selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) and serotonin and norepinephrine reuptake inhibitors (SNRIs), are the primary pharmacological treatment choice for anxiety. You might have seen commercials for these drugs – Cymbalta and Effexor, for example are SNRIs and Zoloft and Prozac are SSRIs.

We looked at trials examining SSRIs and SNRIs in the treatment of generalized anxiety disorder, panic disorder, social anxiety disorder, post-traumatic stress disorder and obsessive-compulsive disorder.

We compared the trials submitted to the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) by pharmaceutical companies to the resulting publications in scientific journals. We wanted to see how many of the trials were published in articles and if those published articles portrayed the results of the trials accurately.

Of the 57 trials that were registered with the FDA, 41 had positive results and 16 did not. In our study, published in JAMA Psychiatry, we found that of the 45 journal articles that reported on these trials, 43 were positive. That means that 96% of journal articles were positive as opposed to 72% of the FDA reviews.

In further examination, we found that trials with “not-positive results” (results that were negative or unclear) were less likely to be published than trials with positive results. Of the 41 positive trials registered with the FDA, 40 were published in journal articles. But of the 16 trials with not-positive results, just nine were published.

Overestimated?
Pills via www.shutterstock.com

Turning negative results into positive results

Of the nine published trials with not-positive results, three were published with positive results in the accompanying journal article. This is called outcome reporting bias. These studies usually reported the results for a secondary, less important outcome or used creative statistical approaches to make the primary outcome seem positive, when the true result was negative or unclear.

And for another three of the not-positive trial results were reported accurately but the authors concluded that the results were really positive – this is called spin. Just three of the nine not-positive trials were published without any bias.

Overestimation of treatment effects

When we compared the results between the FDA-reviewed trials and the published literature, the literature overestimated the effects of the drugs by 15%, which isn’t statistically significant.

In this case, we found that publication bias contributed more to an overabundance of positive results than to the estimates of how well these drugs actually worked.

This overabundance of positive trials creates a skewed representation of the efficacy of these drugs for anxiety disorders. And this in turn may create unrealistic expectations about how well these drugs work among prescribers and patients.

Openness about research results

Publication bias is not limited to psychiatry – it’s a problem across medicine. Because so much medical research is publicly funded, researchers and the public should have easy access to reliable results from the studies which current medical therapies are based on. Unfortunately, the current system relies heavily on voluntary reporting, which facilitates publication bias.

Now that the scientific community is paying more attention to publication bias and the problems it creates, various initiatives have begun including trial registrations, journals that explicitly welcome studies with negative results, and open access initiatives in which data becomes publicly available regardless of the outcome of the study.

These initiatives, combined with increasing awareness among researchers, study participants and government agencies will hopefully aid in increasing the accuracy and completeness of reporting of clinical study results.

The Conversation

Annelieke Roest is Postdoctoral Researcher, Psychiatry at University of Groningen.
Craig Williams is Professor of Pharmacy at Oregon State University.

This article was originally published on The Conversation.
Read the original article.